Though Nepal has been declared secular republic since 2006, slaughtering cow, considered holy by Hindus (the majority populace of Nepal) and symbolized as the national animal is still outlawed. This is reminiscent of continuing dominance of Hindu values in Nepal's legal system that once codified indigenous peoples into hierarchical Hindu caste system entrenching discrimination against them. Nepal's indigenous peoples organizations' umbrella body NEFIN has demanded respectful release of Sherpa and announced of holding protests in Kathmandu and throughout the country against continuing the law through a new legislation being introduced next week. See NEFIN press releases in (Khas) Nepali language at
Sunday, June 26, 2011
Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) General Secretary held in cow-slaughter scandal
26 June, Kathmandu - Police on Sunday arrested Ang Kaji Sherpa, General Secretary of Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) - umbrella body of Nepal's indigenous peoples' organization who had gone to the police station to inquire about four individuals arrested earlier for cow slaughter in Kathmandu. See http://www.ekantipur.com/2011/06/26/top-story/cow-slaughter-scandal-nefin-gen-secy-sherpa-held/336333.html
Friday, June 17, 2011
International Indigenous Film Festival in Dharan, eastern Nepal
Indigenous Film Archive (IFA) is organizing International Indigenous Film Festival 2011 in Dharan city of eastern Nepal from 18-19 December 2011. The festival aims to raise the issues of indigenous rights and demands through films, expand indigenous films to villages and include indigenous film-making in the so-called ‘mainstream’ towards strengthening the foundation of national unity.
Indigenous Nationalities Film Promotion Committee, Dharan will host the International Indigenous Film Festival 2011 at the City Hall of Dharan. Embassy of Denmark is the main supporter of the festival.
This is the third edition of the International Indigenous Film Festival being held annually in Dharan as an extension of the Nepal International Indigenous Film Festival (NIIFF) organized by the Indigenous Film Archive in Kathmandu.
A total of fifteen indigenous films and documentaries will be screened in the festival this year. The films from Nepal include Godewa (Tamang), Gwaye Maru (Newar), Tinaagaa (Tamu), Bhuyaar (Tharu) and Bhuyar (Tharu), among others while the films from other countries are Building Dignity (Bolivia), Oscar Award nominee Hotel Rwanda (Rwanda), etc. Short films and documentaries being screened are Thakthakma (Limbu), Da Chiuri (Chepang), Naaraam (Magar), Mahita (Tamu) from Nepal and Geitalaaga from Finland. The festival will also consist of various indigenous food and books stalls.
Translated from Bhisan Rai’s original article (below) published on 13 June 2011 on Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN)’s website.
| Monday, 13 June 2011 00:02 |
धरानमा आदिवासी चलचित्र महोत्सवभीषण राई  आदिवासी जनजाति चलचित्र प्रवर्द्धन समिति सुनसरी धरानको आयोजनामा धरान सभागृहमा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय आदिवासी चलचित्र महोत्सव -२०६६ हुन लागेको हो । महो त्सवको मूल आयोजक इन्डिजिनियस चलचित्र अर्काइभ -आईफा) हो भने मूल सहयोगी एम्बेसी अफ डेनमार्क छ । राजधानीमा इन्डिजिनियस चलचित्र अर्काइभद्वारा सम्पन्न अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय आदिवासी चलचित्र महोत्सव-२०६६ लाई विस्तार गर्ने क्रममा धरानमा आयोजना गर्न लागिएको हो । प्रत्येक वर्ष धरानमा आयोजना गरिने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय आदिवासी चलचित्र महोत्सवको यो तेस्रो संस्करण हो । महोत्सवअन्तर्गत राष्ट्रिय अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय लामा छोटा गरी कुल १५ वटा आदिवासी चलचित्र तथा वृत्तचित्र प्रदर्शन गरिनेछ । जसमा बिल्डिङ डिग्निटी -बोलीभिया), ओस्कार एवार्ड प्राप्त होटल रुवान्डा -रुवान्डा), गोदेवा -तामाङ), ग्वाय मरु -नेवार), तिनागा -तमु), भुयार -थारु), बाराहीपुत्र -मगर) आदि चलचित्र छन् भने छोटा चलचित्र तथा व ृत्तचित्रमा थाक्थाक्मा -लिम्बू), द चिउरी -चेपाङ), नाराम -मगर), महिटा -तमु) र गेइटालागा -फिनल्यान्ड) प्रर्दशन गरिनेछ । चलचित्र महोत्सवस्थल धरान सभागृहमा नेवार, थारु, राई, लिम्बू, मगर, शेर्पा तामाङलगायत विभिन्न आदिवासी जनजातीय खानाका स्टलका साथै आदिवासी जनजाति पुस्तकहरूको स्टल पनि राखिनेछन् । |
Thursday, April 21, 2011
Newa: Who, Where, How Many and When? Gleaming through the statistics on Newars
Talk program on the book Newa: Who, Where, How Many and When?
Nepa Rastriya Party is organizing a talk program on its above mentioned book on Friday April 22 at 2pm at Chamber Bhawan, Jamal. Below is a synopsis of the book:
Narayan Manandhar
Gleaming through the statistics on Newars
Once, the Kathmandu Valley Nepal Nepal Kathmandu . It should have been a matter of pride to its original inhabitants for Kathmandu representing Nepal Nepal Kathmandu . However, Newars had to pay a price - the price of being turned into an excluded minority at their own place of origin. Newars no more represent the majority population within the Kathmandu Valley
In mid 1990s when this scribe was with the National Planning Commission, Mr. Narayan Man Bijukchhe was heard pleading, in one of the ritual meetings of National Development Council, that non-residents coming outside the Valley should not be entitled to buy land here. At that time, this scribe thought the idea to be so absurd. Now, almost twelve years down the line, he was so true.
In his recent work Newa: Who, Where, How Many and When? Prof. Mrigendra Lal Singh, a statistician and a demographer, takes a meticulous effort to sieve through the statistics on Newar population. The document is published by Nepa Rastriya Party (NRP) – a party formed at the wake of CA elections representing Newar Community. This must be the first document using census data sought to analyse the status on Newar population.Writes Dr. Keshav Man Shakya, President of NRP, “Newa(r) is a complex ethnic entity”. There are more than two dozen communities representing Newars. And within each community there are many groups and sub-groups. There are Hindu Newars, Buddhists Newars and Newars in between. There are ethnic groups, caste groups and hierarchy within Newars. Interestingly, they do not conform to Hindu caste system. Unlike in Hindu caste system, Dyolas and Jogis, considered to be at the lowest stratum, are given a prestigious job to take care of temples, pujas and goddesses. Similarly, Sunars (goldsmiths) are regarded as untouchables in Hindu caste system but in a Newar community, goldsmiths are placed at the upper stratum of the society. Even if one takes Newari language as a common binding thread, Newari language spoken by the Newars in Kathmandu city differs from the one spoken in Bhaktapur – a city situated hardly 20 km away. The deep division and fragmentation seems to be the basic feature of a Newar community. And this has successively helped the Shah rulers from Gorkha to conquer the inhabitants, implement a policy of “divide and rule” and subjugate them for two centuries.
Yet Newars are the rich and privileged community on its own. Due to inter-pot trade between India Tibet Kathmandu Valley Nepal Nepal
With the debate on federalism, there is a resurgence of Newar community demanding for a Newa autonomous region. A broad Nepa Mandala comprising of three core districts of the Kathmandu Valley
Now, Newars are expressing their assertiveness over their marginalization and exclusion from the government services, from the politics, from their age-old business profession and now from their own place of residence. The report does not shed information on social political and economic dynamics of Newar community. But it does speak on spatial distribution of Newar populace. Here are some findings in a nutshell:
· Newars constitute from 5 to 6 percent of Nepal Kathmandu Valley Kathmandu Valley
· Even within the Kathmandu Valley Kathmandu Valley Kathmandu Valley
· The proportion of Newars speaking Newari language is estimated to be 61 percent in 2011. The figure was as high as 72 percent in 1951. With reduced population growth rate of Newars (1.84%pa) compared to national average population growth rate (2.36% pa)and general practice among the children of Newar to give up speaking Newari language, there is an apparent threat to Newar identity.
· In spite of Newar community being a diverse and a heterogeneous community, the top six communities, namely, Jyapu (41%), Shrestha (15%), Bare (14%), Naya (10%), Sayami (7%) and Kuma (7%) account for 94 percent of Newar population. Within Jyapu community alone one will end up finding more than a dozen groups.
· In spite of heavy concentration of Newars inside the Kathmandu Valley
· Newars are basically an urban community. The average share of urban population in Nepal Nepal
Tuesday, April 12, 2011
US Department of State 2010 Human Rights Report: Nepal
BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR
April 8, 2011
Elections and Political Participation
In 2008 citizens elected members for the Constituent Assembly (CA) to serve as both a legislature and constitution drafting body. Domestic and international observers found the election results credible, although there were reports of political violence, intimidation, and voting irregularities. The most recent local elections, held in 2006, were not considered free and fair.
The CA consists of 601 members, with 240 elected by a first-past-the-post system; 335 by proportional representation; quotas for Dalits, oppressed caste/indigenous ethnic groups, Madhesis, women, and other underrepresented groups; and 26 nominated by the cabinet. CA members classified as oppressed or members of minority ethnic groups constituted 35 percent of the total, and 33 percent were women. The president and vice president belong to the historically disadvantaged Madhesi ethnic community.
Political parties generally operated without restriction or outside interference, although there were some allegations that activists from the UCPN-M do not allow other political parties to organize and campaign freely in certain districts.
There are no specific laws that restrict women, indigenous people, or minorities from voting or participating in government or in political parties, but tradition limited the roles of women and some castes and ethnicities in the political process. Members of certain castes traditionally held more power than others. There are 195 women out of a total of 596 currently serving as members of the CA. Of the 44-member cabinet, seven members were from ethnic minority communities, five were women, and four were Dalits. Most of the larger political parties had associated youth wings, trade unions, and social organizations.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
The law provides that each community shall have the right "to preserve and promote its language, script, and culture" and to operate schools at the primary level in its native language. In practice the government generally upheld these provisions.
There were more than 75 ethnic groups in the country who spoke 50 different languages. In remote areas, school lessons and radio broadcasts often were in the local language. In urban areas, education was almost exclusively offered in Nepali or English.
Discrimination against lower castes and some ethnic groups, particularly Madhesis and ethnic minorities, was especially common in the Terai and in rural areas in the western part of the country, even though the government outlawed the public shunning of Dalits and made an effort to protect the rights of disadvantaged castes. Better education and higher levels of prosperity, especially in the Kathmandu valley, were slowly reducing caste distinctions and increasing opportunities for lower socioeconomic groups. Better educated, urban-oriented castes continued to dominate politics and senior administrative and military positions and to control a disproportionate share of natural resources.
Caste-based discrimination is illegal; however, Dalits occasionally were barred from entering temples and sharing water sources. Progress in reducing discrimination was more successful in urban areas.
In March a group of persons in Darchula District physically mistreated a Dalit man because of his caste. After filing a complaint of caste-based discrimination at the DPO, the court issued its first-ever verdict in a caste-based discrimination case and imposed a fine of 2,000 rupees ($28) against the main perpetrator.
On June 21, 12 villagers in Kailali District beat a Dalit woman and forced her and her daughters to leave the village. The Dalit woman, who is a human rights defender, filed an FIR under the Public Offenses Act. The National Women’s Commission investigated the case, and a fact-finding mission report was made public.
In a March court ruling in Baitadi District, a man was fined and sentenced to two years' imprisonment for a caste-based discrimination offense in July 2009; he did not serve the sentence and was believed to have fled the country.
Resistance to intercaste marriage (upper and lower caste) remained high and in some cases resulted in forced expulsion from the community. Dalits who participated in wedding ceremonies traditionally reserved for non-Dalits, such as riding a horse, were sometimes assaulted; however, the courts have shown a willingness to prosecute such cases of discrimination.
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/sca/154484.htm
April 8, 2011
Nepal, with a population of approximately 29 million, is a federal democratic republic. The political system is based on the Interim Constitution of Nepal 2063 (of 2007), with a prime minister as the chief executive, and the 601-member Constituent Assembly (CA), which is responsible for drafting a new constitution. After failing to deliver a new constitution on May 28, as required by the interim constitution, the CA extended its deadline for one additional year. Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, of the Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist Leninist (UML), tendered his resignation on June 30, but after numerous rounds of voting the parliament had not elected a new prime minister by year's end. Domestic and international observers generally characterized the 2008 election results as credible, although there were reports of political violence, intimidation, and voting irregularities. Security forces reported to civilian authorities, but there were frequent instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control.
Members of the security forces committed human rights abuses. Members of the Nepal Police (NP) and Armed Police Force (APF) committed extrajudicial killings and tortured numerous persons. Security forces used arbitrary arrest and detention. Impunity for human rights violators continued. The government continued to restrict the freedoms of Tibetans. Societal discrimination against women, persons of lower castes, some ethnic groups, and persons with disabilities remained a problem. Violence against women and children continued.
The Sanyukta Jatiya Mukti Morcha (SJMM), an armed group, used threats to force the en masse resignations of Village Development Committee secretaries (VDCs) from various parts of the country. Members of the Maoist militias, the Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL), and members of other small, ethnically-based armed groups engaged in arbitrary and unlawful use of lethal force. Numerous armed groups, largely in the Terai region in the lowland area near the Indian border, attacked civilians, government officials, members of particular ethnic groups, each other, or Maoist militias. Armed groups, criminals, and political parties used threats of violence to intimidate journalists throughout the country.
In 2008 citizens elected members for the Constituent Assembly (CA) to serve as both a legislature and constitution drafting body. Domestic and international observers found the election results credible, although there were reports of political violence, intimidation, and voting irregularities. The most recent local elections, held in 2006, were not considered free and fair.
The CA consists of 601 members, with 240 elected by a first-past-the-post system; 335 by proportional representation; quotas for Dalits, oppressed caste/indigenous ethnic groups, Madhesis, women, and other underrepresented groups; and 26 nominated by the cabinet. CA members classified as oppressed or members of minority ethnic groups constituted 35 percent of the total, and 33 percent were women. The president and vice president belong to the historically disadvantaged Madhesi ethnic community.
Political parties generally operated without restriction or outside interference, although there were some allegations that activists from the UCPN-M do not allow other political parties to organize and campaign freely in certain districts.
There are no specific laws that restrict women, indigenous people, or minorities from voting or participating in government or in political parties, but tradition limited the roles of women and some castes and ethnicities in the political process. Members of certain castes traditionally held more power than others. There are 195 women out of a total of 596 currently serving as members of the CA. Of the 44-member cabinet, seven members were from ethnic minority communities, five were women, and four were Dalits. Most of the larger political parties had associated youth wings, trade unions, and social organizations.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
The law provides that each community shall have the right "to preserve and promote its language, script, and culture" and to operate schools at the primary level in its native language. In practice the government generally upheld these provisions.
There were more than 75 ethnic groups in the country who spoke 50 different languages. In remote areas, school lessons and radio broadcasts often were in the local language. In urban areas, education was almost exclusively offered in Nepali or English.
Discrimination against lower castes and some ethnic groups, particularly Madhesis and ethnic minorities, was especially common in the Terai and in rural areas in the western part of the country, even though the government outlawed the public shunning of Dalits and made an effort to protect the rights of disadvantaged castes. Better education and higher levels of prosperity, especially in the Kathmandu valley, were slowly reducing caste distinctions and increasing opportunities for lower socioeconomic groups. Better educated, urban-oriented castes continued to dominate politics and senior administrative and military positions and to control a disproportionate share of natural resources.
Caste-based discrimination is illegal; however, Dalits occasionally were barred from entering temples and sharing water sources. Progress in reducing discrimination was more successful in urban areas.
In March a group of persons in Darchula District physically mistreated a Dalit man because of his caste. After filing a complaint of caste-based discrimination at the DPO, the court issued its first-ever verdict in a caste-based discrimination case and imposed a fine of 2,000 rupees ($28) against the main perpetrator.
On June 21, 12 villagers in Kailali District beat a Dalit woman and forced her and her daughters to leave the village. The Dalit woman, who is a human rights defender, filed an FIR under the Public Offenses Act. The National Women’s Commission investigated the case, and a fact-finding mission report was made public.
In a March court ruling in Baitadi District, a man was fined and sentenced to two years' imprisonment for a caste-based discrimination offense in July 2009; he did not serve the sentence and was believed to have fled the country.
Resistance to intercaste marriage (upper and lower caste) remained high and in some cases resulted in forced expulsion from the community. Dalits who participated in wedding ceremonies traditionally reserved for non-Dalits, such as riding a horse, were sometimes assaulted; however, the courts have shown a willingness to prosecute such cases of discrimination.
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/sca/154484.htm
Wednesday, March 30, 2011
“I am the only one left who can speak our language” – Gyani Kusunda
Efforts to save the Kusunda tribe of Nepal
Gyani, born in nomadic jungle tribe called Kusunda, is currently in her declining years. She had lots of ups and downs in her life but she is troubled about only one thing in her old age. That is after she dies, their tribal language may die with her. ‘I am the only one left who can speak our language,’ she said in her own language, ‘after I die, no one will speak this language.’
‘Our language has disappeared,’ Gyani continued, ‘all people of my age are dead, and now there is no one left to teach our language to new generations.’ She expressed her worries about the lack of protection for Kusunda language. She has migrated through various forests during her entire life and can only recall that she was born in the east of Nepal as second child of her parents. All her four siblings have passed away.
Kusunda tribe had traditionally been living in jungles but Gyani did not have to live in the woods for long. When she was twelve, her family started social life from the shed of a villager.
Nepal is a country with large indigenous and tribal populations; however, many of its tribes have not been able to come to the mainstream movement for rights of indigenous and tribal peoples yet. Kusunda is one such tribe also known as banrajas, literally meaning kings of jungles. The tribe is currently in the verge of extinction and has recently begun organizing its peoples for the protection and development of their tribal identity and culture. Though long time has passed since Kusundas started living social life, their economic situation remains dire.
A Kusunda Bikas Samaj (Kusunda Development Society) has been established in Nepal’s western district of Dang almost a year ago to bring together Kusundas from all over the country for their economic, social, cultural, educational and linguistic progress. Kusundas have their own distinct language, culture, tradition and customs. So far, 159 Kusundas have affiliated with the society. The 2001 census of Nepal had enumerated 164 families of the tribe.
Kusunda tribe used to live by hunting birds with traps and bow and arrows and gathering forest plants during their jungle life. They are now living in public lands in different districts in western Nepal. Given their dire economic situation, they have urged all concerned stakeholders for economic and/or educational assistance. Their body registered as an NGO at local administration office has prepared various programs to work towards their demands for provision of lands and acknowledgement as endangered tribe, among others.
Translated and Edited by Prabindra Shakya (shakya.prbn@gmail.com) from Devika GM’s article originally published on USNepalonline.com. For the article in (Khas) Nepali, see the link below
Friday, February 18, 2011
Nepal's Indigenous Peoples Federation to hold national conference
18 February 2011
Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) will organize a two-day national conference in Kathmandu from 21-22 February to work out common issues of indigenous peoples to ensure their rights in the new constitution of the country. "The national conference will prepare a common concept paper of rights of indigenous peoples and their popular issues that Nepal's new constitution should ensure," according to a statement on NEFIN website. It further states that NEFIN will then press to get the concept paper addressed in the new constitution. The conference will be attended by representatives 56 indigenous groups' organizations of Nepal and NEFIN affiliated district and village facilitation councils and indigenous peoples' organizations. Nepal's Prime Minister will inaugurate the program.
Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) will organize a two-day national conference in Kathmandu from 21-22 February to work out common issues of indigenous peoples to ensure their rights in the new constitution of the country. "The national conference will prepare a common concept paper of rights of indigenous peoples and their popular issues that Nepal's new constitution should ensure," according to a statement on NEFIN website. It further states that NEFIN will then press to get the concept paper addressed in the new constitution. The conference will be attended by representatives 56 indigenous groups' organizations of Nepal and NEFIN affiliated district and village facilitation councils and indigenous peoples' organizations. Nepal's Prime Minister will inaugurate the program.
| दुई दिने बृहत राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनमा संम्बन्धि जारी ...... |  |  |  |
| Friday, 18 February 2011 04:21 |
मिति २०६७÷११÷६ नेपाल आदिवासी जनजाति महासंघको फागुन ९ र १० गते दुई दिने बृहत राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनमा संम्बन्धि जारी प्रेस विज्ञप्ती उपरोक्त सम्बन्धमा संविधानमा सुनिश्चित गर्नु पर्ने आदिवासी जनजातिका अधिकार लगायत आदिवासी जनजातिका साझा सवालहरु संम्बन्धि साझा अवधारण तयार पार्ने र तयार भएको अवधारणपत्रलाई संविधानमा संम्बोधनका लागि दवाबकारी भूमिका निर्वाह गर्ने उदेश्यले आदिवासी जनजाति महासंघले ५६ जातिय संस्था ७ संम्बन्धन ६८ जिल्ला समन्वय परिषद र ३५०० गाउँ समन्वय परिषदहरुको प्रतिनिधि तथा आदिवासी जनजाती संघसस्थांहरुको सहभागितामा दुई दिने बृहत राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन आयोजना गरेकोछ । वृहत् राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनको उदघाटन सम्माननीय प्रधानमन्त्री झलनाथ खनालले गर्नु हुनेछ । उक्त राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनलाई संम्बोधनका लागि समाननिय सभाध्यक्ष सुभाष चन्द्र नेम्वाङ एकिकृत नेकपा माओवादी उपाध्यक्ष डा। बाबुराम भट्टराई नेपाली काग्रेस वरिष्ठ नेता भू।पू। प्रधानमन्त्री शेरबहादुर देउवा राष्ट्रिय जनशक्ती पार्टीको अध्यक्ष भू।पू प्रधानमन्त्री सूर्य वहादुर थापा राष्ट्रिय प्रजातन्त्र पार्टीका अध्यक्ष पशुपति शमशेर जबरा मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमा लोकतान्त्रिकका अध्यक्ष विजय कुमार गच्छेदार मधेशी जनअधिकार फोरम नेपाल अध्यक्ष उपेन्द्र यादव लगायत अतिथि वक्ताहरुले आमन्त्रित गरिएकोछ । कार्यक्रम तालिक २०६७ फागुन ९ गते झाँकीसहितको र् याली जुलुस स्थान ः भद्रकाली मन्दिर सहिदगेट छेउ काठमाडौं समय ः बिहान ११ बजे सहभागीता ः सम्पूर्ण जातिय सम्बन्धन प्राप्त संगठन जिल्ला समन्वय परिषदहरु गाउँ समन्वय परिषदहरु र आदिवासी जनजातिसंग संम्बन्धित संघसंस्थाहरुले आ-आफ्नो व्यानर झण्डा नारा अंकित प्लेकार्ड सहि जातिय पोशाकमा उपस्थिति हुनेछन् २०६७ फागुन ९ गते झाँकीसहितको र् याली जुलुस उदघाटन समारोह राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन स्थान ः राष्ट्रिय सभागृह समय ः दिनको १ बजे २०६७ फागुन १० गते राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन स्थान ः राष्ट्रिय सभागृह समय ः विहान १० बजे http://www.nefin.org.np/press-release/618-2011-02-18-04-22-39.html |
Wednesday, February 2, 2011
आदिवासी जनजाति पुनःसूचीकरणका वैज्ञानिक आधार
Posted on 2011-01-30
दिलीपसिंह कुलुङ
ढिलै भए पनि नेपाल सरकारले लामो समयदेखि जातीय सूचीकरणका लागि आन्दोलनरत २० भन्दा बढी आदिवासी जनजाति समूहहरूको मागलाई ध्यानमा राखेर समाजशास्त्री डा. ओम गुरुङको संयोजकत्वमा आदिवासी जनजाति पुनःसूचीकरण उच्चस्तरीय कार्यदल गठन गरेको छ । यस अवस्थामा कार्यदलका सदस्यहरू, सूचीकृत ५९ जाति र सूचीकरणका लागि आन्दोलनरत २० भन्दा बढी आदिवासीहरूबीच कुन-कुन समूहलाई जाति मान्ने ? आदिवासी जनजाति हुनका लागि आवश्यक मापदण्ड के केलाई मान्ने ? यससम्बन्धी राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय मापदण्डहरू के-के छन् ? भन्ने सम्बन्धमा बृहत् र वैज्ञानिक अध्ययन र बहस चलाइनु आवश्यक छ ।
आदिवासी जनजाति समुदायहरू कुलुङ, बाहिङ, लोहङ, घले लगायतका २० भन्दा बढी पृथक् विशेषता भएका आदिवासी जनतातिलाई सूचीकरणको लागि पहल गर्दागर्दै पाखा लगाइनु, एउटै जातिलाई धेरै जातिमा सूचीकरण गर्नु, पिm जस्ता जातै नभएका जातिलाई हचुवाको भरमा सूचीकरण गर्नु जस्ता अपारदर्शी र अदूरदर्शिता कारणले गर्दा २०५८ को प्रतिष्ठानको आदिवासी जनजातिको सूची आदिवासी इतिहासमै सबभन्दा बढी विवादको विषय बन्यो । आदिवासी जनजातिभित्रैका छोटे राजाहरूका कारण २०५८ मा कतिपय आदिवासीलाई अन्यायपूर्वक पाखा लगाउने काम गरिएको थियो ।
एक्काइसौं शताब्दीको युगमा आफ्नै देशमा यसरी पहिचानको सङ्घर्ष गरिरहनु राष्ट्रकै लागि दुर्भाग्यको कुरा हो । २०५८ मा नै तत्कालीन अध्ययन कार्यदलले बृहत्तर वैज्ञानिक अध्ययन तथा अनुसन्धान गरी विभिन्न राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय आदिवासी जनजातिको परिभाषा तथा मूल्य मान्यताका आधारमा सबै आदिवासी जनजातिलाई सम्मानपूर्वक पहिचान र सूचीकरण गरेको भए यो झमेला राज्यले वर्तमान अवस्थामा झेलिरहनु पर्दैनथ्यो ।
डा. ओम गुरुङ संयोजकत्वको कार्यदलले तयार गर्न लागेको सूची पनि त्यस्तै नहुन सक्छ भन्न सकिन्न । त्यसकारण २०५८ को तत्कालीन अध्ययन कार्यदलले गरेको असमान सूचीकरणको परिणामबाट सृजित समस्या र चुनौतीबाट पाठ सिकेर सूचीकरणको मुद्दामा अगाडि बढ्नु कार्यदलको सच्चा बुद्धिमत्ता ठहरिनेछ यसबाटै भविष्यमा आदिवासी सूचीकरणसम्बन्धी कुनै विवाद कतैबाट आउनसक्दैन ।
आदिवासी जनजाति पुनःसूचीकरणको चर्चा व्यापक भइरहँदा वैज्ञानिक आधारमा सूचीकरण गरिनुपर्दछ भन्नेमा प्रायः सबै आदिवासी समुदायहरू एकमत देखिन्छन् । तर ती वैज्ञानिक आधारहरू चाहिं के के हुन् त ? भन्ने कुरामा भने प्रशस्त मतभिन्नता र अन्योल पाउन सकिन्छ । यहि प्रश्नको सेरोफेरोमा रहेर आदिवासी पुनः सूचीकरणसम्बन्धी अहिलेसम्म राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय स्तरमा स्थापित आदिवासी जनजातिको परिभाषा र मूल्यमान्यताका बारेमा प्रकाश पार्ने उद्देश्यले लेख तयार गर्ने जमर्को गरिएको छ ।
२०५२ सालमा प्राध्यापक सन्तबहादुर गुरुङको संयोजकत्वमा बनेको एक कार्यदलले तत्कालीन सरकारलाई आदिवासी जनजाति प्रतिष्ठान स्थापनाको लागि एक अध्ययन प्रतिवेदन पेस गरेको थियो तर तत्कालीन सरकारले उक्त प्रतिवेदनलाई लत्याउँदै करिब दुई वर्ष पछाडि राष्ट्रिय जनजाति विकास समिति अस्थायी रूपमा स्थापना गर्न आदेश जारी गरेको थियो । निरन्तर आदिवासी जनजातिको माग र दबाबका कारण नेपाल आदिवासी जनजाति उत्थान राष्ट्रिय प्रतिष्ठानको स्थापना २०५८ मा भएरै छाड्यो । प्रतिष्ठानले कुलुङलगायत अरु समुदायको पहिचानलाई बेवास्ता गर्दै ५९ आदिवासी जनजातिलाई मात्रै आˆनो सूचीमा समावेश गर्यो ।
उक्त २०५८ मा स्थापना भएको आदिवासी जनजाति उत्थान राष्ट्रिय प्रतिष्ठानको ऐनको परिच्छेदको धारा २-क) अनुसार ’आदिवासी जनजाति’ आफ्नो मातृभाषा र परम्परागत रीतिरिवाज, छुट्टै सांस्कृतिक पहिचान, छुट्टै सामाजिक संरचना र लिखित वा लिखित इतिहास भएको जाति वा समुदाय सम्झनुपर्छ भनेर भनिएको छ । प्रतिष्ठानको यो परिभाषा आदिवासी विज्ञहरूको दृष्टिकोणबाट अपूरो रहेको देखिन्छ । आदिवासी जनजातिको मुख्य परिचायक भनेको ऐतिहासिक भूमि हो तर प्रतिष्ठानको ऐन २०५८ मा भूमि भन्ने शब्द कतै पनि समावेश गरिएको छैन’ भन्नुहुन्छ आदिवासी जनजाति गैर सरकारी संस्था महासङ्घका कार्यकारी निर्देशक इन्द्र कुलु्ङ । स्वयं प्रतिष्ठानको सूचीमा सूचीकृत कतिपय आदिवासी जनजातिहरू यो ऐनको मर्म विपरीत समावेश गरिएका छन् जस्तै राई । राई कुनै जात विशेष होइन केवल पगरी मात्रै हो । त्यस्तै अर्को पिm जाति समावेश गरिएको छ जुन जात नेपालमै छैन । यस्तै लापरवाहीको कारण प्रतिष्ठानको छवि आदिवासी जनजाति समुदायमा खस्किँदै गइरहेको छ ।
आदिवासी जनजाति महासङ्घको विधानमा भने भूमिको कुरा समेटिएको छ तर महासङ्घले असूचीकृत आदिवासी जनजातिहरूलाई सदस्यता नदिएर आफ्नो असली रूप देखाइसकेको छ । आदिवासी जनजाति महासङ्घले आफ्नो विधानमा ’आदिवासी जनजाति’ भन्नाले ’नेपालको खास कुनै एक भूभागमा बसोवास गर्ने वा आफूलाई पहिलो वा पहिलोमध्येको वा मूल बासिन्दाको रूपमा स्थापित गर्ने वा अनादिकालेखि बसोवास गर्दै आएका भिन्न उत्पत्ति, जाति, भाषा, संस्कृति भएको, राज्य र शासनसत्तामा निणर्ायक भूमिका खेल्नबाट वञ्चित तथा आफ्नो पुख्र्यौली भूमिलाई भौतिक-अभौतिक विकासको स्रोत मान्ने तर वर्तमान राज्यको निर्माण हुँदा उत्पीडित तथा विस्थापित गरिएका जो आफ्नो पहिचान र सांस्कृतिक सम्पदाहरूलाई आफ्नो भावी पुस्तामा सुरक्षितरूपमा हस्तान्तरण गर्न चाहने तथा आफूहरूलाई आदिवासी समुदाय भन्ने समुदायहरूलाई जनाउँछ’ भनी उल्लेख गरेको छ ।
आदिवासी जनजातिसम्बन्धी अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय परिभाषाहरूमा संयुक्त राष्ट्रसङ्घका विशेष प्रतिवेदक जे. एम. कोबोको परिभाषा मननयोग्य छ । उनले आफ्नो प्रतिवेदनमा भनेका छन् ’आदिवासी समुदायहरू, जनता तथा राष्ट्रहरू ती हुन् जो पूर्व आक्रमण, पूर्व-उपनिवेशकालदेखि ऐतिहासिक निरन्तरता रहेका समाजहरू हुन् जो तिनीहरूका भूक्षेत्रहरूमा विकसित भएका थिए र तिनीहरू अन्य क्षेत्र समाजभन्दा विशिष्टताको बोध गर्छन् र वर्तमानमा आफ्ना भूक्षेत्रहरू या त्यसका आंश्ािक क्षेत्रहरूमा बसोवास गरिरहेका छन् । हाल तिनीहरू गैर-प्रभुत्व समाजको क्षेत्रमा रहेका छन् । तिनीहरूको संरक्षण, विकास तथा तिनीहरूका निरन्तर अतिस्त्वको आधारको रूपमा आफ्नै सांस्कृतिक संरक्षकत्व, सामाजिक संस्था तथा परम्परागत कानुनमा आधारित रही जातीय पहिचान र परम्परागत भूक्षेत्रहरूको पुस्तान्तरण गर्न कटिबद्ध छन् ।’
यसैगरी अन्तराष्ट्रिय श्रम सङ्गठन महासन्धि १६९ ले आदिवासी जनजातिहरूको परिभाषाको बारेमा धारा १.१-क) को अनुसार ’स्वतन्त्र देशहरूमा ती आदिवासी जनजातिमा जसका सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक र आर्थिक अवस्थाहरूले उनीहरूलाई राष्ट्रिय समुदायका अन्य नागरिकभन्दा पृथक् बनाउँछ, जसको अवस्था उनीहरूको आफ्नै परम्परा वा रीतिरिवाज वा विशेष कानुन वा नियमहरूद्वारा पूर्णतः वा आंशिक रूपले नियन्त्रित हुन्छ’ भनिएको छ ।
यसै सन्धिको धारा १.१-ख) अनुसार ’स्वतन्त्र ती देशका जनतामा लागू हुन्छ जो कुनै देश वा उक्त देश सम्बन्धित भौगोलिक क्षेत्रमा विजय वा औपनिवेशीकरण वा वर्तमान राज्य सीमाको स्थापनाको कालभन्दा पहिलेदेखि नै बसोवास गरेका कारण आदिवासी मानिन्छन् र जसले आफ्नो कानुनी अवस्थाका वावजुद आफ्ना केही वा सबै सामाजिक, आर्थिक, सांस्कृतिक र राजनीतिक संस्थाहरू कायम राखेका छन् ।’
आदिवासी जनजाति पुनःसूचीकरण कार्यदलले यी माथिका राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय आदिवासी जनजाति परिभाषाहरूलाई आत्मसात् गर्दै आम आदिवासी जनजाति समुदायहरूको पहिचान र स्वाभिमानलाई ठेस नपुग्ने गरी सबैलाई समान न्याय हुनेगरी स्वतन्त्र अध्ययन तथा अनुसन्धान गर्नुपर्दछ । किनभने उल्लिखित आदिवासी जनजातिसम्बन्धी परिभाषाहरू राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय स्तरमा स्थापित परिभाषाहरू हुन् जुन विश्वभरि जातीय पहिचानको प्रमुख वैज्ञानिक आधारका रूपमा मानिएको छ ।
२०५८ को आदिवासी सूची विवादित बन्नुको कारण के थियो भने यी माथिका स्थापित मान्यताहरूलाई बेवास्ता गर्दै तत्कालीन अध्ययन कार्यदलका सदस्यहरूले कुनै विषगत तथा वस्तुगत मापदण्डहरूमाथि सत्यतथ्य अध्ययनै नगरी सूची तयार गरेका थिए । जसले गर्दा पहिचान नपाएका आदिवासी जनजातिहरू राज्यको मूलप्रवाहीकरणबाट विमुख भए । सूचीकरणकै नाममा भविष्यमा नेपालका कुनै पनि आदिवासी जनजाति समुदायले आन्दोलन गर्नु नपरोस् ।
Published on Gorkhapatra Daily
http://www.lahurnip.com/details.php?id=40
जलवायु परिवर्तनः चुनौती थपिँदैछ
Posted on 2011-01-30
दीलिपसिंह कुलुङ
जलवायु परिवर्तनका विषयमा सबैभन्दा पहिले सन् १९९२ मा ब्राजिलको रियो दि जेनेरियोमा पृथ्वी शिखर सम्मेलनमा व्यापक बहस भएको थियो । जसको परिणामस्वरूप जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी महासन्धिको जन्म हुन पुग्यो । अमेरिकाले पहिलो औपचारिक सहमति जनाएको थियो । उक्त जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी महासन्धिको मर्मअनुसार औद्योगिक शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूलाई स्वेच्छिक हरित गृह ग्यास कटौतीको लागि आहृवान गरिएको थियो तर प्रमुख शक्ति राष्ट्र अमेरिका र जापान जस्ता मुलुकहरू त्यसको बेवास्ता गर्न थाले । जसको फलस्वरूप औद्योगिक राष्ट्रहरूलाई हरितगृह ग्यास उत्सर्जनमा कटौती गर्न बाध्यकारी सन्धि सन १९९७ मा जापानको क्युटोमा १८० राष्ट्रले पारित गर्न पुग्यो । त्यसलाई नै क्युटो प्रोटोकल भनिन्छ ।
जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी क्युटो प्रोटोकलमा नेपालले सहमति जनाएर उक्त सन्धिको पक्ष राष्ट्र भइसकेको छ । तर नेपाल सरकारले वर्तमान समयसम्म जलवायु परिवर्तन रोकथाम र नियन्त्रणको कुनै कार्ययोजना अगाडि बढाएको देखिन्न । नेपाल सरकारले उक्त क्युटो प्रोटोकलमा हस्ताक्षर गर्न जति तत्परता देखायो त्यति नै यसको कार्यान्वयनमा पनि चासो र जागरुकता देखाएको भए नेपालमा जलवायु परिवर्तनको असर केही मात्रामा न्यूनीकरण गर्न सकिन्थ्यो । नेपालले यस्ता अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुनी सन्धिहरूमा सहमति जनाउन जति अग्रसरता देखाउँछ, त्यत्ति नै मात्रामा कार्यान्वयन प्रक्रियामा पनि अग्रसरता देखाउन सके राम्रै हुन्थ्यो ।
जलवायु परिवर्तनका विषयमा सबैभन्दा पहिले सन् १९९२ मा ब्राजिलको रियो दि जेनेरियोमा पृथ्वी शिखर सम्मेलनमा व्यापक बहस भएको थियो । जसको परिणामस्वरूप जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी महासन्धिको जन्म हुन पुग्यो । अमेरिकाले पहिलो औपचारिक सहमति जनाएको थियो । उक्त जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी महासन्धिको मर्मअनुसार औद्योगिक शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूलाई स्वेच्छिक हरित गृह ग्यास कटौतीको लागि आहृवान गरिएको थियो तर प्रमुख शक्ति राष्ट्र अमेरिका र जापान जस्ता मुलुकहरू त्यसको बेवास्ता गर्न थाले । जसको फलस्वरूप औद्योगिक राष्ट्रहरूलाई हरितगृह ग्यास उत्सर्जनमा कटौती गर्न बाध्यकारी सन्धि सन १९९७ मा जापानको क्युटोमा १८० राष्ट्रले पारित गर्न पुग्यो । त्यसलाई नै क्युटो प्रोटोकल भनिन्छ ।
जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी क्युटो प्रोटोकलमा नेपालले सहमति जनाएर उक्त सन्धिको पक्ष राष्ट्र भइसकेको छ । तर नेपाल सरकारले वर्तमान समयसम्म जलवायु परिवर्तन रोकथाम र नियन्त्रणको कुनै कार्ययोजना अगाडि बढाएको देखिन्न । नेपाल सरकारले उक्त क्युटो प्रोटोकलमा हस्ताक्षर गर्न जति तत्परता देखायो त्यति नै यसको कार्यान्वयनमा पनि चासो र जागरुकता देखाएको भए नेपालमा जलवायु परिवर्तनको असर केही मात्रामा न्यूनीकरण गर्न सकिन्थ्यो । नेपालले यस्ता अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुनी सन्धिहरूमा सहमति जनाउन जति अग्रसरता देखाउँछ, त्यत्ति नै मात्रामा कार्यान्वयन प्रक्रियामा पनि अग्रसरता देखाउन सके राम्रै हुन्थ्यो ।
जलवायु परिवर्तन विश्वव्यापी चुनौती र समस्या दिनानुदिन बढ्दै गएको छ । वैज्ञानिकहरूको अध्ययन र विश्लेषणअनुसार विश्वका ठूला ओद्योगिक शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूले हरित गृह ग्यास उत्सर्जनमा न्यूनीकरण नगर्नाले तापमान अभिवृद्धि भई यस प्रकारको समस्या उत्पन्न हुन गएको हो । ओद्योगिक शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूको कारणले यस्तो समस्या सृजना भए पनि यसको नकारात्मक असर र प्रभाव भने अधिकतम मात्रामा नेपाल जस्ता विश्वका अर्धविकसित मुलुकका नागरिकहरूमाथि पर्न गएको देखिन्छ । भर्खरै संयुक्त राष्ट्र सङ्घका भूतपूर्व महासचिव कोफी अन्नानले सार्वजनिक गरेको तथ्याङ्कअनुसार विश्वमा प्रतिवर्ष तीन लाख मानिसको मृत्यु जलवायु परिवर्तनको असरले हुने गर्दछ । अन्नानको प्रतिवेदनले मृत्यु हुनेहरू सबै अविकसित मुलुकका नागरिक हुन् भनेर देखाएको छ । जलवायु परिवर्तन संसारका विकसित शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूको कारण उत्पन्न भएको समस्या हो । हरित गृह ग्यास उत्सर्जनमा शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूले अहम भूमिका खेलेरहेका छन् । यसको अत्यधिक सिकार भने विश्वका अविकसित मुलुकका नागरिकहरू भइरहेका छन् ।
नेपालमा पनि जलवायु परिवर्तनको असर पर्याप्त मात्रामा देखिन थालेको छ । इन्डिकेटरको रूपमा नेपालको हिमाली क्षेत्रमा प्रतिवर्ष ०.६ डिग्री सेल्सियसको दरले तापक्रम बढ्न गई हिउँ पग्लिन सुरु हुनु, हिमतालहरूको अवस्था कमजोर हँुदै जानु, स्वच्छ पानीको मुहान सुक्दै जानु, अनावृष्टि र अल्पवृष्टि जस्ता समस्या देखा पर्नु, दुई हजार मिटरको उच्चाइसम्म लामखुट्टे देखा पर्नु, हिमालका आदिवासी चराहरू लोप हुँदै जानु, तराई भेगका पशुपक्षी तथा कुनै कुनै जनावर पहाडी भेगमा देखा पर्नु, महामारी र हैजा जस्ता रोग फैलिँदै जानु, विनाशकारी आँधी र बाढी आउनु, सिमसार क्षेत्रहरू सुक्दै जानु, नदीनालाको सतह घट्दै जानु आदि प्रस्तुत गर्न सकिन्छ । हावापानी परिवर्तनको दृष्टिले नेपाल अत्यन्त संवेदनशील क्षेत्र हो । नेपाल हिमाली राज्य भएकोले हिमालको हिउँ पग्लिएर जाने क्रम रोक्न सकिएन भने अहिले देखिएका सेताम्य हिमाल कालो चट्टानमा रुपान्तरित हुन खासै लामो समय कुर्नु पर्दैन । जसले गर्दा स्वच्छ खानेपानीको हाहाकार उत्पन्न हुने, पृथ्वीको पर्यावरणीय प्रणाली पूर्ण रूपमा बिथोलिन गई सिङ्गो नेपाल मात्र नभई विश्वमा नै असर पर्न जान्छ ।
क्युटो प्रोटोकलको आयु सन २०१२ सम्म मात्र भएको हुनाले प्रमुख रूपमा हरित गृह ग्यास उत्पादन गर्ने अमेरिका, जापान, क्यानाडा, अस्ट्रेलिया जस्ता विश्वका शक्ति औद्योगिक राष्ट्रहरू बाध्यात्मक होइन कि स्वेच्छिक समाधानको बहसमा अल्भिmएको देखिन्छ । त्यस्ता औद्योगिक शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूले अत्यधिक मात्रामा उत्पादन गर्ने हरित गृह ग्यास नै जलवायु परिवर्तनको प्रमुख कारक तत्वको रुपमा मानिएको छ । जलवायु परिवर्तनमा मुख्य भूमिका कार्बन्डाइ अक्साइड, मिथेन, नाइट्रस अक्साइड, हाइड्रो अक्साइड फ्लोराइड जस्ता ग्यासको रहेको हुन्छ । विश्वका ठूलो औद्योगिक राष्ट्रहरूले खनिज ऊर्जा र इन्धन अत्यधिक मात्रामा आफ्नो सवारी साधन, उद्योग तथा कलकारखानाहरू र प्रविधिजन्य क्षेत्रमा प्रयोग गर्नाले माथि उल्लेखित ग्यासहरूको उत्पादन हुने गर्दछ । जसले हरित गृहमा नकारात्मक प्रभाव पार्दै जाने, परिणामस्परूप पृथ्वीको सन्तुलित जलवायु प्रणालीमा परिवर्तन भई पृथ्वीको तापक्रम बढ्ने र त्यसको ठाडो सिकार अविकसित मुलुकका नागरिकहरूलाई पर्न जाने वैज्ञानिहरूको अध्ययनले देखाउँदै आएको छ ।
क्युटो प्रोटोकलअन्तर्गत रहेको क्लिन डेभेलपमेन्ट मेकानिज्म ९ऋम्ः० अनुसार विश्वका औद्योगिक शक्ति मुलुकहरूबाट आफूले नवीकरणीय ऊर्जाको प्रयोग, स्वच्छ ऊर्जाबाट सञ्चालित सवारी साधनको प्रयोग, उद्योगहरूमा ऊर्जाको न्यून प्रयोग, वनसंरक्षण र जलविद्युत्को माध्यमबाट कार्बनको उत्पादन कम गरेवापत केही हदसम्म सहयोग पाउन सक्ने अवस्था छ । जसलाई कार्बनको व्यापार पनि भन्ने गरिन्छ ।
विश्वका अर्धविकसित होस् या पूर्ण विकसित सबै राष्ट्र सरकारले आफ्नो—आफ्नो देशमा कार्यक्रम कार्यान्वयन गर्नु जरुरी देखिन्छ । नत्र यो विश्व चाँडै मरुभूमिमा परिणत हुने खतरालाई नकार्न सकिन्न ।
नेपालमा कार्बन ग्यास कम गर्नु प्रमुख भूमिका बायोग्लासले निर्वाह गर्दै आएको पाइन्छ । नेपालले एक तथ्याङ्कअनुसार बायोग्यासलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्न सके प्रतिवर्ष ४५ लाख डलर कमाउन सक्ने देखिन्छ ।
जलवायु परिवर्तन न्यूनीकरण गर्ने सम्बन्धमा नेपाल सरकार मौन रहँदै आएको छ । यसको नियन्त्रणका लागि नेपाल सरकारले खासै चासो दिएको देखिन्न । नेपालको लागि मात्र नभएर विश्व समुदायकै लागि यो चुनौतीको विषय बन्दै गइरहेको छ । जलवायु परिवर्तनकै कारण नेपालले प्रशस्त प्राकृतिक तथा जैविक विविधता तथा पर्यावरणीय वस्तु गुम्दै गएका छन् । कुनै कुनै रूपमा नेपाल सरकारले जलवायु परिवर्तनको रोकथामको बारेमा पहलकदमी काम गर्नै पर्दछ । नत्र हाम्रो प्राकृतिक स्रोत साधन संरक्षणको अभावमा विस्तार विस्तार विनाशतर्फ धकेलिने छौँ । जसबाट हामी आफै पनि अछुतो रहन सक्दैनौँ ।
जलवायु परिवर्तनको राष्ट्रिय अनुकूल कार्यक्रम -नापा) विश्वका नेपाल जस्तै ३८ वटा अविकसित मुलुकले तयार पारिसकेका छन् । तर नेपालले अझै तयार पार्न सकेको छैन । जुन हामी नेपालीका लागि दुर्भाग्यको विषय हो । जसको कारण नेपालले कार्बन कम उत्पादन गरे वापत अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायबाट पाउनु पर्ने सहयोगमा समेत असर पर्नसक्छ ।
विश्व समुदाय जलवायु परिवर्तनको असरबारे सचेत हुनुपर्ने बेला आएको छ । यही अनुपातमा जलवायु परिवर्तनले निरन्तरता पाउने हो भने यस पृथ्वीमा मानवलगायत सम्पूर्ण प्राणी जगत्को अस्तित्व खतरामा पर्ने निश्चित देखिन्छ । राजधानी काठमाडौँमा सय वर्ष यता सबैभन्दा बढी ३६ डिग्री सेल्सियस तापक्रम वृद्धि भएको समाचार बाहिर आएका छन् । यो प्रत्यक्ष जलवायु परिवर्तनको असर हो । जलवायु परिर्तनको असरलाई न्यूनीकरण गर्न नेपाल सरकारले तुरुन्त विशेष योजना तर्जुमा गरी बायोग्यासको अधिक प्रयोगमा प्रोत्साहन, जैविक तथा सम्पूर्ण पर्यावरणीय विविधताको दीर्घकालीन व्यवस्थापन, प्राङ्गारिक खेतीमा प्रोत्साहन, स्थानीय बोटबिरुवाको वृक्षरोपण आदि कुराहरूमा जोड दिन सक्नु पर्दछ ।
अमेरिका, अस्ट्रेलिया, जापान र क्यानाडा जस्ता औद्योगिक शक्ति राष्ट्रहरूले पनि जलवायु परिवर्तनलाई विनाशर्त आत्मसात गरी यसको रोकथामको लागि सिर्जनात्मक तथा रचनात्मक क्रियाकलापतर्फ पाइला चाल्नु पर्दछ । यसैमा विश्व समुदायको भलो हुनेछ ।
Published on Gorkhapatra Daily
http://www.lahurnip.com/details.php?id=39
विश्व आदिवासी आन्दोलन
Posted on 2011-01-30
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Indigenous Kirats struggle for burial rights
After Christians, ancient Nepal tribe fights for burial rights
By Sudeshna Sarkar | IANS – Sun, Jan 30 1:53 PM IST
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